美国总统奥巴马2016年1月12日晚在国会发表其上任以来的第八份，也是最后一份正式的国情咨文。今年适逢选举年，奥巴马这次未循惯例列出具体的施政措施，主要是回顾上任七年来所取得的“丰功伟绩”，同时聚焦未来，重新提及变革，从更广泛的角度谈及美国未来面对的四大主要问题，主调乐观，当中三次提及中国。
奥巴马最后一次的国情咨文，不仅是要形塑自己的历史定位，也是想在即将到来的总统选战留下印记。在当晚的演讲中，奥巴马重复提到最多的一个词就是“改变”。
奥巴马指出，说到未来，不论国会的组成及下一位总统是谁，都要面对四大问题：一是在新经济体系中确保每个人都拥有同样公平的机会与保障；第二是面对气候变迁等迫在眉睫的挑战，要让科技助一臂之力，而不是扯后腿；三是守护美国的安全，继续领导世界，而不是成为“世界警察”；最后是透过政治展现美国最好的一面，而非最糟的一面。
三次提及中国
奥巴马盘点了他上任七年来，在经济复苏、增加就业、削减赤字以及气候变化、打击恐怖主义、达成伊朗核协议等内政外交各方面取得的成绩。
奥巴马明确驳斥了“敌人正变得强大，美国正在衰弱”的观点，更称该说法如同“写小说”。奥巴马说，“所有谈及美国经济走下坡的说法，都只是空泛的政治语言。你听到敌人越来越强悍、美国越来越疲弱的论调，都属这一类……美国是世上最强大的国家。句号。”
奥巴马在本次国情咨文中一如既往地提及中国，一共有三次。第一次是为了论证领导力问题，趁机驳斥共和党批评美国在外交方面缺乏领导力指责，奥巴马指出，“但重大国际问题出现时，世界民众不会等着北京或莫斯科来领头解决，他们会找我们”。第二次提及聚焦国际形势，他表示，中东在转型，中国经济遇到逆风；最后在谈及跨太平洋伙伴协定（TPP）时，他说，有了TPP，中国就不能书写这一地区的规则，而是由美国来书写。
促国会授权对ISIS动武
面对恐怖主义在全球崛起，奥巴马促请国会合作，包括通过向“伊斯兰国”（ISIS）动武的授权。奥巴马说：“当我们专注消灭ISIS，有些人夸大其词说是世界第三次大战，那正合他们的心意。我们只需直接指出他们是谁，是一群刽子手及极端分子，需要连根拔起、铲除并消灭。”
今年的大选还有不到10个月就举行，奥巴马婉转鼓励国人再选出一位民主党总统延续他的政策。他将矛头直指共和党总统参选人特朗普，不点名指责他侮辱穆斯林的言论伤及美国、“背叛”了美国的认同感。奥巴马说，“政界人士侮辱穆斯林……并不会让我们更加安全”，而是“鼓励我们回到部落，让长相不同、祈祷方式不同、投不同票、背景不同的同胞当代罪羔羊”。
此外，奥巴马还宣布，由副总统拜登领导一个大型项目，专门研究对抗癌症的方法。拜登儿子去年5月因为脑癌病逝。
讲足一小时
今年由共和党籍南卡罗来纳州女州长妮琪．海利作为代表回应国情咨文。她批评奥巴马对债务上升和恐怖威胁过于乐观，但身为印度裔移民后代的她话锋一转，称对身为“移民的女儿”感到自豪，强调在当前焦虑的时候不要进一步宣扬愤怒，似乎也为共和党的移民政策挽回颜面。
奥巴马也履行诺言，今年演讲时间确实较之前短，但也讲足一小时。奥巴马在2009年就职之初发表的非正式国情咨文时耗时最短，约51分钟，2010年最滔滔不绝，讲了69分钟。
现场国会参众两院议员们对奥巴马演讲的反应颇为“党派分明”，民主党人数十次起立鼓掌，共和党人则在多数情况下坐着不起身、也不鼓掌。记者注意到，共和党竞选人、佛罗里达州联邦参议员卢比奥在奥巴马演讲期间几乎面无表情，频频低头，从神情来看，他听得并不认真。众议长瑞安表示，奥巴马的演讲属于“陈词滥调”，无法解决美国面临的问题。
布鲁金斯学会高级研究员赫达克(JohnHudak)表示，从某种程度上讲，奥巴马最后一次国情咨文演讲相当于他在大选年发表的第一份“助选演说”，他列举的政绩有助于提升民主党竞选人、前国务卿希拉里·克林顿和佛蒙特州联邦参议员伯尼·桑德斯的选情。
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.
今晚是我在这里做国情咨文的第八个年头，也是最后一次。我将尽量简而言之。我知道你们中有些人急着回爱荷华州（译者注：两党党内预选进行地）。
I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.
我也理解此时正当大选之季，因此公众对我们今年成就的期望并不高。但是，议长先生，您以及其他领导人去年年末通过了建设性的预算决议，使得工薪家庭减税计划能够长久实施下去，我对此深表感激。因此我衷心希望今年两党能够在一些重要事务上同心协作，比如，推行刑事司法改革，帮助那些与处方药滥用行为抗争的人们。我们很可能会让质疑者们再次大吃一惊。
But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.
但在今晚，我打算少谈些像往年那样的发展计划。别担心，我还是有很多计划要谈，比如，帮助学生学习编写计算机代码，以及对病人进行个性化治疗。我将继续推动这些未竟事业的进步。完善有漏洞的移民体系。保护我们的孩子们免遭枪械暴力。继续推行同工同酬及带薪休假，并提高最低工资水平。所有的这一切对于努力工作的家庭们来说依然至关重要；这些仍是我们要做的对的事情。我绝不会放松这些工作，直至他们完成为止。
But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.
但这是我最后一次在此发表讲话，我不想只谈论来年的事宜。我想关注今后的五年、十年，甚至更久远的事情。
I want to focus on our future.
我更关注我们的未来。
We live in a time of extraordinary change – change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.
我们生活在一个充满巨变的时代，这场巨变改变了我们的生活、工作方式，改变了我们的星球和我们在世界上的地位。这种巨变预示着医学将出现重大突破，也会带来困扰着工薪家庭的经济动荡。它为生活在边远山区的女孩们带去教育的希望，却也使远距重洋的恐怖分子得以串通一气策划阴谋。这场巨变能够带来机遇，也会扩大不公。无论我们喜欢与否，这场巨变的进度只会越来越快。
America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew, and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did – because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.
美国曾经历过种种巨变——战争，萧条，移民涌入，工人运动，以及民权运动。每一次，总有人告诉我们要畏惧未来。每当美国受到某些组织或者言论威胁，将要失控，这些人就告诉我们要停止变革，并承诺恢复往日的辉煌。但每一次，我们都能够克服恐惧。用林肯的话来说，我们并未遵循“平静的过去时代的信条”。相反地，我们能够用新的思维思考，以新的方式行事。我们巧妙地利用变化，始终将美国的潜力扩展至更广阔的前沿，惠及更多的民众。正缘于此——因为他人眼中的风险在我们看来是机遇——我们变得比以前更强更好。
What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation – our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law – these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.
过去的真理，现在亦未曾改变。我们的乐观主义与职业道德，我们的发现与创新精神，我们种族多样化和法治信条，这些都是我们作为一个国家所拥有的独一无二的优点，使我们具备了世代繁荣昌盛、国泰民安的一切条件。
In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.
事实上，正因有了这种精神力量，我们过去七年才可能取得进步。它使我们得以从几代以来最严重的经济危机中恢复；是我们改革医疗体系、改造能源部门的动力；保证了我们给予军人和老兵更多关心和福利。也正因为此，我们能够让每个州的人都获得了与所爱的人结婚的自由。
But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?
但是，这些进步并不是注定会发生的，而是我们共同选择的结果。我们当下正面临着这样的选择。面对时代的变化，我们是将以恐惧对之，闭门造车，各自为战？还是自我肯定，坚持立场，相信我们能共创奇迹？
So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer – regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.
让我们先来谈谈未来，以及美国需要回答的四个大问题——无论下一届美国总统是谁，无论哪个党派掌控国会。
First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?
首先，我们如何在新经济中给每个人公平的机会和保障？
Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us – especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?
第二，我们如何让技术为我们服务，而不是与我们对抗——尤其是面临气候变化这样急需应对的挑战的时候？
Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?
第三，我们如何保障美国的安全，同时，在不充当世界警察的前提下，引领整个世界？
And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?
最后，我们如何制定政策，使其反映出美国的好，而不是美国的恶？
Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.
我先说说经济，基本的事实是这样的：现在，在全球范围内，美国经济是最为强大且坚固的。纵观历史，我们现在处于私营部门连续创造就业机会最长的一段时期中。我们创造了逾1400万个新的就业岗位；这是自20世纪90年代以来就业增长最为强劲的两年；失业率下降了一半。汽车行业也创造了最辉煌的一年。在过去的六年里，制造业创造了将近90万个新的就业岗位。而且，我们在取得这些成绩的同时，还将赤字减少了近四分之三.
Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true – and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.
任何声称美国经济正在衰落的说法都是在传播虚构事实。实际情况——同时也是许多美国人感到焦虑的原因——是美国经济正在经历巨大变革，而且这变革早在大萧条发生之前就已经开始，到现在还没有结束。今天，能够被高科技取代的工作岗位并不仅限于生产线，还包括任何可以实现自动化的岗位。在经济全球化中，公司可以落户于世界任何地方，也会面临更加激烈的竞争。其结果是，雇员要求加薪的筹码变少。公司对其所在群体的忠诚度更低。同时，越来越多的财富和收入积聚到社会顶层阶级手中。
All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.
这些变化趋势挤压了雇员的生存空间，即使他们拥有工作，即使美国经济一直在增长。工薪家庭想要通过努力工作，摆脱贫困，年轻人想要开创自己的事业，雇员想要适时退休，都已经不太容易。虽然面临这些变革的不只有美国，但是这些的确违背了独有的美国式信念，那就是，任何努力工作的人都应当得到公平待遇。
For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.
在过去的七年中，我们的目标一直都是，保持经济增长，以造福每一个人。我们已经取得了一些进步。但是，我们需要继续努力。尽管在过去的一些年中，我们有过许多政治上的争论，但是在一些领域，我们取得了普遍的共识。
We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.
我们一致认为，真正的机会在于每一个美国人都能获得能够必要的教育及培训，让他们能够胜任一份收入理想的工作。“不让一个孩子掉队”的两党改革政策，就是一个重要的开端，同时，我们加强了儿童早期教育，进一步提高了高中毕业率，使工程学等专业毕业生得以增长。未来，我们要以这些成绩为基础，通过普及全民早教，让所有学生都接受计算机实践和数学课程培训，为他们将来步入职场做好准备。同时，我们要为孩子们招录更多优秀的教师，并给予这些教师更好的待遇。
And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.
同时，我们要让每个美国人都能上得起大学。因为，勤奋的学生不应该因为贫困被挡在校门之外。我们已经将助学贷款的还款额降至借款人收入的10%。接下来，我们需要降低大学费用。两年制的社区大学将为每一位有责任感的学生提供免费教育，这是降低大学费用最理想的方式之一。我会不断努力让这个方案在今年启动。
Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.
当然，在新经济中，我们所需要的不仅仅是优质的教育。我们还需要能够提供基本生活保障的福利和保护措施。如果说在座的各位，是美国为数不多的能够在同一个地方从事同一份工作30年，还能获得健康和养老保障的人，也不算夸张。而对于其他人，特别是四五十岁的美国人来说，为退休后的生存点钱或是在失业后重振旗鼓，已经越来越困难。大家都认识到，在他们职业生涯的某个时刻，他们不得不重新接受培训，重新学习技能。但是，他们不应当失去他们这么多年辛勤工作所获得的东西。
That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.
这也是社会保障及医疗保险制度在今天尤为重要的原因；它们不该被弱化，而应进一步加强。对于退休年龄较晚的美国人，基本福利应与当今的其他事物一样尽可能移动化。这就是《平价医疗法案》的意义所在，这个法案旨在填补基于雇主的医疗保险系统的空缺，我们失业、返校求学或创业时，依然能享受医疗保障。目前为止，已有近1800万人受益。医疗费用通胀也有所缓解。自法案实施起，我们的企业每个月都能创造新的工作岗位。
Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job – we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.
我想我们在短期内还无法就医疗保险制度达成共识。但两党可以在改进经济保障制度的问题上采取一些新的措施。假设一位辛勤工作的美国人丢了工作，我们不该仅仅确保他能获得失业保险，而应确保这个制度能够支持他接受再培训以胜任新的工作。如果这份新工作的报酬不如上一份工作，那么就该有薪酬保障制度保证他能养活自己。即使他一直在换工作，也还能为退休储蓄并能支配自己的积蓄。这就是我们让大家更好地受益于新经济的方式。
I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.
我知道国会众议院发言人保罗 瑞恩提到过他对解决贫困问题的看法。美国是一个会给每个愿意工作的人机会的国家，我欢迎大家提出可行性战略，如为无子女低收入人群减税的方案。
But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years – namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.
但在过去七年里还有其他难以达成一致的领域，比如，政府应该扮演怎样的角色，才能保证制度不向最富有的财团和大公司倾斜。在此，美国人民需要做出选择。
I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.
蓬勃发展的私营经济是我们国家经济的命脉。我认为，其有些过时的规则需要改变，有些繁文缛节需要摒弃。在企业连续多年利润破纪录之后，如果让大银行、石油巨头或对冲基金制定只对自己有利的规则，或者允许对集体谈判的攻击置之不理，工薪阶层就无法获得更多机会和更多薪水。引发经济危机的不是那些领食物券的人，而是华尔街那些鲁莽行事的人。移民人口不是阻碍薪酬上涨的原因；那些决议是由董事会的人提出的，他们经常将季度分红看得比长期回报还重。可以肯定的是，正在看我演讲的普通家庭不会通过离岸账户避税。在新经济的形势下，工人、新兴企业和小型企业需要更多发言权。规则应该使他们受益。今年，我计划激励那些善待工人的企业，这些企业明白只有善待工人才能让股东、顾客和所在群体最终受益，这样我们才能在全美推行这种良策。
In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?
事实上，我们有许多优秀的企业公民都是极富创造力的。这也是美国要回答的第二个大问题：如何重燃创新精神，迎接重大挑战？
Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.
六十年前，俄罗斯人发射人造卫星，在太空领域领先于我们，这点我们并未否认。我们没有就科学水平进行争论，或缩减我们的研发预算。我们在很短的时间内制定了太空计划，十二年后，我们已经能在月球上行走。
That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.
探索精神存在于我们的基因里。我们是托马斯 爱迪生、怀特兄弟、乔治 华盛顿 卡弗。我们是葛丽丝 霍普、凯瑟琳 约翰逊、莎莉 莱德。我们是从波士顿到奥斯丁再到硅谷的移民和企业家，我们力求建设更美好的世界。过去七年里，我们一直在培养这种精神。
We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.
我们保护了开放的互联网，我们迈出了大胆的一大步，让更多学生和低收入者加入互联网这个大家庭。我们已经开始建设新一代制造业中心，我们的网络工具让企业家在一天内就能获得创立一个企业所需的一切。
But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.
但是，我们能做的还不止这些。去年，副总统拜登曾说，要把治愈癌症作为一项新的登月计划去实现。上个月，他与国会通力合作，为国立卫生研究院的科学家们提供了大量资源，这是10多年来科学家们获得的最强有力的资源支持。今晚我宣布，我们将举全国之力促成这项新计划。在过去的40年里，乔为我们在众多问题上竭尽心力，因此，我任命他主管这一抗癌计划。为了我们已逝去的亲人，为了我们还能拯救的家庭，我们应该携手，让美国成为一个彻底攻克癌症的国家。
Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.
医学研究是重中之重。在发展清洁能源的问题上，我们同样需要全力以赴。
Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.
如果你还要质疑我们针对气候变化进行的科学研究，你可以试试。你会发现自己孤立无援，因为站在你对面的是我们的军方、绝大多数美国商业领袖、大多数美国民众、几乎整个科学界，以及全世界200个国家，这些国家都意识到了问题的严重性，想要着手解决它。
But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record – until 2015 turned out even hotter – why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?
就算我们的星球还没到岌岌可危的地步，2014年也并非史上最热的一年（因为2015年更热），我们为什么要放弃让美国企业生产并销售未来能源的大好机会呢？
Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal – in jobs that pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy – something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.
七年前，我们在清洁能源领域进行了美国历史上最大规模的一次投资。成果如下：从爱荷华州到德克萨斯州，现在风能比污染环境的传统能源价格低廉。从亚利桑那州到纽约州，每年太阳能为美国民众减少了上千万美元的能源支出，同时创造了多于煤炭行业的就业机会，并且这些就业的收入高于平均水平。我们正在逐步采取措施，让每家每户都可以生产并储存自己的能源——环保主义者和茶党人士正为此事通力合作，为家庭自产能源提供支持。同时，我们的石油进口量下降了近60%，减少的碳排放量居全球第一。
Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.
2美元1加仑的油价也不算贵。
Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future – especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.
现在我们不得不加速实现从污染能源向清洁能源的过渡。我们不应该补贴过去，而是应该投资未来——尤其是在依赖化石燃料的社区。这就是我为什么要敦促改变石油和煤炭资源管理方式的原因，只有这样才能更好地反映纳税人为此支付的税款以及地球为此付出的代价。通过这种方式，我们把钱重新投入到这些社区，让成千上万的美国人一起构建21世纪的交通运输系统。
None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planet we'll preserve – that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.
所有这一切都不是一蹴而就的。诚然，还有许多既得利益者想要维持现状。但是，改变现状能让我们创造新的就业，节省更多资金，我们的星球也得到了保护——这种未来才是我们应该留给后代子孙的。
Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.
在众多问题上，我们的安全与世界紧密相关，气候变化只是其一。因此，我们需要回答的第三个大问题是：怎样在不被孤立、不充当世界警察的情况下，保持美国的安全和强大？
I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.
刚才我说了，所有认为美国经济衰退的言论都是政治性的大话。所有你听到的关于美国的敌人越来越强大、而美国却越发虚弱的言论，都是逞口舌之能。美利坚合众国是世界上最强大的国家。无需其他任何废话。而且我们还会一直强大下去。我们的军费投入比排在我们后面的八个国家的总和还多。我们的部队是世界历史上最精锐的战斗力量。没有任何国家敢攻击美国或者美国的盟国，因为他们知道那是自取灭亡。有调查显示，目前美国的国际地位高于我当选总统之初。当重大国际问题出现时，世界人民不会指望中国或俄罗斯来领头解决，他们会找我们。
As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria – states they see slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.
我每天的工作从听取情报简报开始，因此我知道现在是一个危险时期。但这并不是因为美国力量的削弱，或者某个超级大国的崛起。在当今世界，与其说邪恶独裁国对我们构成威胁，不如说经济衰退国对我们的影响更大。中东正在经历一场将持续二三十年的大变革，其发生的根源可追溯至一千年前的冲突。中国经济的转型正在对我们产生冲击。尽管面临自身经济衰退，俄罗斯依旧投入大量资源到乌克兰和叙利亚——这两个正脱离正常轨道的国家。二战以后我们建立的国际体系如今难以适应新形势的需要。
It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.
我们有责任重建国际体系。而这意味着，我们必须对事务进行优先排序。
Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies.
美国政府的首要任务是保护美国人民，打击恐怖主义网络。基地组织和“伊斯兰国”都直接威胁到美国人民的安全——在当今世界，哪怕只有一小撮无视他人和自己生命的恐怖分子，也会造成巨大危害。他们利用网络毒害美国境内人们的思想；他们破坏我们和盟友的关系。
But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are – killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.
但当我们集中精力消灭“伊斯兰国”时，却有人言过其实地说这是第三次世界大战。这种说法正中某些人下怀。许多武装分子登上皮卡车，灵魂扭曲的人在公寓或车库里谋划着生命着——这些都对平民构成巨大威胁，必须予以制止。但恐怖分子并没有威胁到美国的“国家存在”。这就是“伊斯兰国”想要透露出来的信息；这是他们招募恐怖分子时的宣传伎俩。我们不能先壮大他们然后显示我们可以来真的；也不能中了“伊斯兰国代表世界最大宗教之一”的圈套，导致在这场斗争中重要盟友离我们远去。我们要认清他们的真面目——他们就是杀手、疯子，必须予以追踪、缉捕并摧毁。
That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.
而这恰恰是我们正在做的事情。过去一年多，美国领导着60多个国家的联盟，切断“伊斯兰国”的资金来源，发掘他们的阴谋诡计，阻止武装分子的人员流动，消除他们邪恶意识形态的影响。我们发动了近万次空袭，除掉他们的恐怖头目，破坏他们的石油供给，捣毁他们的训练营和武器。我们为正在逐步夺回伊拉克和叙利亚领土的武装力量提供培训、武器装备和其他支持。
If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment – or mine – to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.
如果本届国会真的希望赢得这场战争，同时向我们的军队和整个世界传达反恐决心，你们就应该授权军事力量介入对抗“伊斯兰国”。可以投票表决。但美国人民应当知道，无论国会是否行动，伊斯兰国也必将和以往的恐怖分子一样，得到应有的惩罚。如果你们怀疑美国或是我个人伸张正义的决心，不妨问问奥萨马 本 拉登。问问去年被击毙的也门基地组织头目，或者已成阶下囚的班加西事件主谋。如果你和美国过不去，美国绝不会放过你。这可能需要一些时间，但我们的记忆力很好，我们的打击没有时限。
Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world – in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.
我们的外交政策焦点是“伊斯兰国”和基地组织的威胁，但并不仅限于此。因为即使没有“伊斯兰国”，未来几十年里，全球许多地区（包括中东、阿富汗和巴基斯坦、中美洲部分地区、非洲和亚洲）仍将动荡不安。它们中的有些地方有可能变成新的恐怖主义温床；有些则会深陷民族冲突或大饥荒，滋生新一轮难民潮。世界人民会指望我们去解决这些问题，我们的回应不能只是嘴上功夫：不断使用强硬的措辞，做给平民们看。这种回应可能在电视新闻上起点作用，但世界人民感受不到切实的鼓舞。
We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq – and we should have learned it by now.
我们也不能接管和重建每个陷入危机的国家。那不是领导力，那样只会将我们拖入泥潭，白白浪费美国人民的热血和财富，最终削弱我们自己。这是越战和伊战给我们的教训——我们早该铭记在心。
Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.
幸运的是，我们有更明智的办法。这是一个耐心、克制的策略，能充分发挥国家的每一分力量。这个策略就是：美国一定会采取行动——必要时单独行动——以保护我们的人民和盟友；但在全球共同关注的问题上，我们会动员全世界与我们一起行动，确保其他国家也尽到自己的职责。
That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.
这就是我们应对叙利亚等冲突时采取的方法：我们与当地军队合作，领导所有国际力量，共同帮助这个千疮百孔的社会实现长久和平。
That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.
这就是为什么我们要建立全球联盟，通过制裁和有原则的外交手段防止伊朗拥有核武器。现在，伊朗已放弃核项目，运出浓缩铀储备，世界避免了又一场战争的爆发。
That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.
这也是我们在西非阻止埃博拉病毒传播时采取的方法。我们的军队、医生和研究人员先搭好平台，然后集结其他国家加入抗击埃博拉的战役。
That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.
这还是我们建立跨太平洋伙伴关系协定（TPP）时采取的方法。该协定能打开市场、保护工人利益、保护环境，还能增强美国在亚洲的领导力。它将取消针对18000种美国制造商品征收的关税，创造更多优质就业机会。在TPP协定下，中国不再是当地贸易规则的制定者，我们才是。你们想要美国在本世纪展现它的强大国力？那么就通过这一协议。给我们执行协议的工具。
Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo.
孤立古巴的50年未能推进这一地区的民主进程，反而削弱了我们在拉丁美洲的影响力。这就是为什么我们要恢复与古巴的外交关系，开启旅游和经商之门，帮助改善古巴人民的生活。你们想要巩固我们在南半球的领导力和可信度？那么就承认冷战已经结束，解除禁运吧。
American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world – except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change – that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.
21世纪，美国体现领导力的方式并非只有下面两个选择：除了打击恐怖主义，再不关心其他世界事务；抑或，占领和重建每个正在土崩瓦解的社会。领导力意味着明智地运用武力，团结全世界的力量实现伟大目标。它意味着将海外援助视为国家安全的一部分，而非施舍。当我们领导近200个国家签署史上最具雄心的气候协议时，不仅帮助了易受气候变化影响的国家，也在造福我们的后代。我们协助乌克兰捍卫民主，我们帮助哥伦比亚结束长达十年的战争——这同时也巩固了我们赖以发展的国际秩序。当我们帮非洲国家解决饥荒、抗击病疫时，我们也防止了下一场大规模疫情危及美国。目前，我们正努力消除艾滋病带来的危害，我们也有能力消灭疟疾——这也是今年我会督促本届国会资助的项目。
That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.
这才是国力，这才是领导力。这种领导力需要美国做出表率。这就是为什么我一直致力于关闭关塔那摩监狱：这一监狱耗资巨大，没有必要，只会为我们的敌人继续招兵买马提供说辞。
That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country.
这就是我们不该在政治上以人种和宗教区分别人的原因。这不是政治正确性的问题，而是我们必须知道美国强大的原因。世界敬重我们并非因为我们武力强大，而是因为我们的种族多样性，因为我们的包容和对每种信仰的尊重。教宗方济各曾站在这个讲台上和在座的议员说过：“如果你像暴君和杀人犯一样充满仇恨和暴力，那你也会很快成为他们那样的人。”有的政治家侮辱穆斯林，有人肆意破坏清真寺，有孩童受到欺辱……这些都不会让我们的国家更安全。我们美国人不应该是这样的人。这种做法大错特错。它贬低了我们在世界眼中的形象，让我们更难达成目标。而且它背离了美国的国家本质。
"We the People."
“我们合众国人民”。
Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.
我们的宪法以这三个简单的词开始，也是这三个词让我们认识到，这里指的是所有人，而不是一部分人；这三个单词坚定地认为我们应该共进退。这就是我想说的第四点，也可能是今晚我想讲的最重要的一点。
The future we want – opportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids – all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.
我们期盼的未来：每个家庭都享有机遇和安全；生活水平得以提高，以及为孩子们创造一个可持续的、和平的星球，这些都是我们可以实现的。但是，要实现这些期盼，我们必须一起努力。只有经过理性、且富有建设性的辩论，这些期盼才可能实现。
It will only happen if we fix our politics.
要实现这一期盼，我们必须解决政治问题。
A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.
更好的政治形态并不意味着意见始终统一。美国是一个大国，有不同的地区，不同的看法，不同的利益。这也是我们的优势之一。开国先驱们将权力分配给各个州，各政府部门，希望我们像他们一样进行辩论，探讨政府的规模和形态，探讨贸易和外交关系，探讨自由的含义和安全的必要性。
But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.
但民主确实需要公民之间的信任纽带。如果我们认为与自己观点相左的人都心怀恶意，或者认为我们的政敌都不爱国，那民主就无法实现。如果不愿意妥协，连最基本的事实都存在争议，而我们只听那些赞同的声音，那么民主就会停滞不前。如果只有最极端的声音受到重视，那我们的公共生活就会衰落。最重要的是，当人民大众觉得自己的呼声无关紧要，而整个社会体制被有钱、有权或者个别人的利益所操控时，民主就将崩溃。
Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency – that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.
目前，很多美国人都有这种感受。这是我总统任期内的几件憾事之一 ，各党派之间的积怨和猜疑并未减弱，而是变得更深。毫无疑问，如果具备林肯或罗斯福那样的才能，可能党派之间的嫌隙会调和得好一些，我保证，在我任职期间，我会不断努力，争取做到更好。
But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task – or any President's – alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've told me. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.
但是，美国同胞们，这不仅仅是我的责任，也不仅仅是某位总统的责任。在座的当中，有不少人期盼在更多方面相互合作，期盼在华盛顿有更高层次的辩论，但却因为受到选举利益的羁绊而无法做到。我知道这种情况，听你们说过。如果我们想优化政治形态，仅换掉一个国会议员或参议员，甚至换掉一位总统是不够的，我们必须改变整个体制，来展现更好的自己。
We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections – and if our existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.
我们要取消划分国会选区的做法，因为划分选区后，政客们会自己去选择选民，而不是让选民选择他们。我们必须降低金钱对政治的影响，这样就可以防止少数家族和幕后利益集团用资金影响选举。如果关于竞选资金的现行办法未能获得法院通过，我们就要共同努力，寻求真正的解决方案。我们要让投票更容易，而不是更难，我们应顺应现在的生活方式，使投票方式现代化。今年，我打算走遍全国，来推进这些改革。
But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process – in not just who gets elected but how they get elected – that will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.
但仅凭我一人之力，是无法做到这些的。政治进程的变革，不是改变谁当选，而是改变当选的方式。只有美国民众要求进行变革时，变革才会发生。这是由你们决定的。这就是“民有、民治、民享政府”的真正含义。
What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background.
我所提出的要求绝非易事。相比而言，变得愤世嫉俗，认为变革不可能发生、政治已经无药可救，并且认定自己的呼声和行动毫无意义，这些事情更容易做到。但是如果我们现在放弃，那我们也放弃了更加美好的未来。拥有金钱和权力的人会在更大程度上左右重大决定，可能是将年轻士兵送往前线，可能是批准会引起灾难的经济政策，也可能是为了维持控制权，驳回历代美国人民为之奋斗牺牲的平等权和投票权。如果这样的倒行逆施持续下去，又会有人催促我们回到部落时代，让那些与我们长相不同，信仰不同，选举方式不同，背景不同的同胞当他们的替罪羊。
We can't afford to go down that path. It won't deliver the economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.
我们不能选择那条道路，因为路的尽头没有我们追求的经济繁荣，没有社会安定，最重要的是，无法让我们成为如今这样令世人羡慕的国家。
So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen. To vote. To speak out. To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us. To stay active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and optimism that I see in the American people every single day.
我的美国同胞们，无论你信仰什么，无论你支持一党制或无党制，美国的未来掌握在你们手中，需要你们自愿履行好自己作为公民的义务。你们要参与选举；你们要敢于发声；你们要为他人，尤其是弱势群体，争取权利，要清楚知道我们能在这里就是因为有人在某个地方支持着我们。你们要积极参与公共生活，让美国人民的善良、礼貌以及乐观渗透每个角落，就像我每天接触到的美国民众一样。
It won't be easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I'll be right there with you as a citizen – inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that have helped America travel so far. Voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born; not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first, bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed would have the final word – voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love.
这并不是一件容易的事。我们的民主道路也很艰难。但是，我能保证，一年之后，我已不再是美国总统，我将和你们一样，是一个普通的美国公民，那些曾经帮助美国前进的公平与远见之声、坚韧之声，以及幽默与和善之声，也会让我倍受鼓舞。这些声音告诉我们，每个人的身份，无论黑人还是白人，无论亚裔还是拉丁裔，无论性取向如何，无论是移民还是土生土长的美国人，无论是民主党还是共和党，我们首先都是美国人，并且有着共同的信念。用马丁 路德 金的话来总结就是：不靠武装发声的真理以及无条件的爱。
They're out there, those voices. They don't get a lot of attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the work this country needs doing.
这些人，这些声音一直都在。寂静无声，不求关注，但却一直在为这个国家奔忙。
I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours. I see you. I know you're there. You're the reason why I have such incredible confidence in our future. Because I see your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time.
在美国这片热土上，我所到之处都能看到这么一群美国人的身影。我看到了你们所有人，我知道你们都是其中的一员。正因为有你们，我才能如此自信于美国的未来。因为我知道一直有着默默无闻，坚定勇敢的美国公民为美国的未来奋斗。
I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages to keep him on board.
有一位在装配流水线上工作的工人，每天加班加点以确保公司正常运营，而他的老板也会给他加薪，让他继续坚守岗位。
I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might someday cure a disease.
有一个女孩有着自己的科学梦想，为完成科学项目彻夜不休，而她的老师会提前进教室给她上课，因为他知道，总有一天她会成功发现某种治疗疾病的良方。
I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of starting over – and the business owner who gives him that second chance. The protester determined to prove that justice matters, and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe.
有一位美国人服完刑期，想要重新开始，而有位老板给了他第二次开始人生的机会；抗议者希望彰显社会公平正义；年轻的警官在街上巡查，尊重他人，兢兢业业，默默守护我们的安全。
I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him 'til he can run a marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on.
有个士兵为救自己同胞不惜一切，身受重伤；有位护士悉心照料他，直至他痊愈参加马拉松；而所在社区的人纷纷为他加油。
It's the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he's been taught.
有这么个孩子勇敢地做自己，敢于出柜，而深爱他的父亲也会放弃自己的旧观念继续爱他。
I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth.
有一位老妇人，只要自己还有选举权，她都会亲自排队去投上一票；有位美国新公民第一次高兴地投上自己的选票；选举站的志愿者深信每一票都很重要，因为他们都懂得这投票权的分量有多重。
That's the America I know. That's the country we love. Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. That's what makes me so hopeful about our future. Because of you. I believe in you. That's why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong.
这就是我所认识的美国。这就是我们热爱着的国家。人们明辨是非，慷慨善良，并且乐观地相信，不靠武器发声的真理和无条件的爱必将主导这个世界。因此我才如此坚信美国的未来。因为有你们，我相信你们。因为美国的强大，我才能如此自信地站在这里。
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.
谢谢，上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
