——约翰 F.肯尼迪的就职演说
就笔者阅读所及，这恐怕是美国总统的演辞在神州大地上被引用最多的一句。如果要选美国总统演讲金句，恐怕非它莫属。
然而，许多它的神州引用者可能不清楚，这是肯尼迪发表于冷战时期的具有强烈意识形态色彩的一篇演辞；紧接着广为称引的上面那句话，他说了另一句话：“全世界的公民伙伴们，不要问美国能为你们做些什么，而要问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。（My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.）”
另一个有意思的细节是，尽管有些美国总统在他们的演辞中也要求人们“不要问你的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为国家做些什么”（譬如克林顿1992接受民主党总统候选人提名的演辞中就说过类似的话），美国人民却并不买账，有一位教授甚至在他的政治学专著中专辟一章来批驳此话与宪政思想的背道而驰——国家就是为人民服务的，人民就是要问国家能为他做什么。
说实话，我能够理解一切处于强势地位的人对此金句的钟爱——他们可以根据需要在“不要问……而要问……”的句式中填上自己喜欢的任何内容，不要问政府不要问公司不要问家不要问领导不要问老板不要问长辈你要做的只是问你自己；但那些处于社会底层，本身问的权力问的机会问的能力就极度匮乏的人们也痴迷于这样的表述，我总怀疑他们脑袋有问题。
随着柏林墙的倒塌，冷战的结束，回望当初美苏争霸的血雨腥风，不知今夕何夕，油然浮上心头竟是苏东坡的诗句：“回首向来萧瑟处，归去，也无风雨也无晴。”
从语言修辞的角度看，由于巧妙地运用回环修辞格，演辞中睿智精辟而给人留下深刻的印象句子俯拾即是：
“只要团结，我们将所向披靡；倘若分裂，则将一事无成。（United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do）”
“我们不应总是期望他们支持我们的观点，我们却始终希望他们能强有力地维护他们自身的自由（We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom）”
“让我们牢记，过去那些愚蠢地追求权力的人们（指独裁者）、那些骑在虎背上狐假虎威的人，最终却被老虎所吞噬。（and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.）”
“自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。（If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.）”
“让我们决不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们决不畏惧谈判。（Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.）”
“让双方探究那使我们团结在一起的因素，而不是纠缠于那使我们分裂的问题。（Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.）”
“所以，我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为国家做些什么。（And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.）”
“全世界的公民伙伴们，不要问美国能为你们做些什么，而要问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。（My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.）”
中国人断章取义为哪般？
跟人辩论时经常听到有人引用肯尼迪说的一句话“不要问你的国家能为你做什么，问你能为你的国家做什么”，每当此时我都很纳闷，作为一个美国总统怎么会说出这样的话呢。
最近查了查，才知道原话被选择性无视了半句。肯尼迪是说过这样的话，但是原话的前半段被选择性忽视了，原本的意思是人民的不能等待国家赏赐自由，而要自己争取自由，世界不能等待美国为他们带来自由，而要自己争取自由。
以下是原话：
“纵观人类历史长河，危机时刻有幸担当捍卫自由大任的人们并非多数。我不愿逃避责任，我乐于承担。我不相信谁能避开现实。我们为事业所尽的力量、忠诚和奉献将照亮这个国家和所有为之服务的人们--其光芒也将照亮世界。所以，我亲爱的美国人，不要问你的国家能为你做什么，问你能为你的国家做什么。我亲爱的世界人民，不要问美国能为你做什么，问我们大家能为人类的自由做什么。”
显然，这句话放在中国是有违和谐的，所以只截取了一句，形成了相反的意思。如同那句“成功等于1%的灵感加99%的汗水”，很多年以后我门才知道后面还有一句“但那1%的灵感是最重要的”一样。
约翰·F·肯尼迪的就职演说1961.1.20
今天我们欢庆的不是一次政党的胜利，而是一个自由的盛典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着改良，也意味着革新。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们祖先在将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的那同一份庄严的誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫穷和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念确认，人权并非来自政府的慷慨施予，而是上帝所赐。
我们至今不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承者。让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，也告诉我们的敌人，这革命的火炬已传递给新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对之力加维护的。
让每一个国家——不管它希望我们好或希望我们坏——知道，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事－－而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神起源的老盟邦，我们保证待之以挚友之诚。在我们面临风险的共同事业中，只要团结，我们将所向披靡；倘若分裂，则将一事无成——因为在意见分歧、四分五裂的情况下，我们将怯于应对强大的挑战。
对于那些我们欢迎其加入自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，在一种形式的殖民统治消失之后，绝不允许简单地代之以另一种远为冷酷的暴政。我们不应总是期望他们支持我们的观点，我们却始终希望他们能强有力地维护他们自身的自由，让我们牢记，过去那些愚蠢地追求权力的人们、那些骑在虎背上狐假虎威的人，最终却被老虎所吞噬。
对于那些布满半个地球，居住在茅舍和乡村中，力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党人会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。
自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以南的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作行动：在谋求发展的新联盟中，援助自由的人们和自由的政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现自身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为敌对势力的俎上鱼肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合起来，抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让所有其它势力都知道，西半球的人民决定自己当家作主。
对于各主权国家的世界性议会——联合国，这个在战争手段远远超过和平手段的时代里我们最后的最美好的希望，我们愿重申我们的支持诺言：不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，强化其对于新国弱国的保护，扩大其权力运用的领域。
最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的毁灭性的黑暗力量在有意或无意中以人们自我毁灭的方式吞噬了全人类。
我们不敢以软弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地强大时，我们才能对其不被使用确信无疑。
然而这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心 －－双方都因现代武器的高昂造价而不胜重负，双方都因致命的原子力量稳步发展而产生理所当然的惊骇，可是双方又都在竞争以图改变那不稳定的恐怖的均衡，而正是这种均衡暂时阻止了人类的末日之战。
因此，让我们重新开始。双方都应记住，谦恭并不象征懦弱，而诚意则终须验证。
让我们决不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们决不畏惧谈判。
让双方探究那使我们团结在一起的因素，而不是纠缠于那使我们分裂的问题。
让双方第一次制订有关检查和管制武器的严肃而确切的计划，并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。
让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是它的恐怖因素。让我们一道去探索星球，治理沙漠，根除疾病，开发深海资源，鼓励艺术和商务。
让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令，去“卸下沉重的负担……让被压迫者得到自由。”
如果一个合作的滩头堡垒能够逼退猜疑的丛林，那么，让双方联合作一次新的努力吧，不是追求新的权力均衡，而是建立一个新的法治世界——在那里，强者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。
凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成，不会在最初的一千天中完成，不会在本政府任期中完成，甚至也不能在我们活在这星球上的一生中完成。但让我们开始。
我的公民伙伴们，我们事业的最后成败的关键，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你们手中。自从这个国家缔造之日起，每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟莹遍布全球。
现在那召唤我们的号角又再度响起——不是号召我们拿起武器，尽管我们需要武器；不是号召我们去作战，尽管我们已严阵以待；那是号召我们肩负起持久和战线模糊的斗争。年复一年地，在希望中欢欣，在忧患中忍耐，这是一场反抗人类共同的敌人——暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身——的斗争。
我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性的伟大联盟以对付这些敌人，以确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?
在世界的漫长历史中，只有少数几代人被赋予这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的使命。我决不在这使命之前退缩；我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间有任何人会愿意跟别人及别的时代交换位置。我们在这个努力中所贡献的精力、信念与牺牲，将点燃我们的国家以及所有为她服务的人，而这火焰放射的光辉必将照亮整个世界。
所以，我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为国家做些什么。全世界的公民伙伴们，不要问美国能为你们做些什么，而要问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后，不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民，请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的同样高的标准拿来要求我们。凭着正直的良心——我们唯一可靠的酬劳，凭着历史——我们行为的最后裁判者，让我们挺身而出领导我们所挚爱的国家，祈求上帝的庇佑与扶携；同时确信，上帝在这尘世的任务，必然就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。
John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address
delivered
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge ―and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.
If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.
And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.
Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens . . . [and] let the oppressed go free."
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪（John Fitzgerald Kennedy，通常被称作约翰·F·肯尼迪（John F. Kennedy）、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪（Jack Kennedy），），美国第35任总统，美国著名的肯尼迪家族成员，他的执政时间从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在达拉斯遇刺身亡为止。肯尼迪在1946年—1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员，并于1960年当选为美国总统，成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统，也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统。
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